Monday, September 30, 2019

Legal Punishments

The two broadest types of rationales for punishment are retributive and utilitarian. Retributive rationale aims at punishing the criminal for the crime committed against the victim. This approach seems a little dubious since it calls for ‘an-eye-for-an-eye’ attitude towards the criminal. Utilitarian perspective calls for solutions that hurt the smallest number of people or benefit the greatest number. Thus, the punishment according to the utilitarian perspective should be modelled in such a way as to benefit the victim and others mostly and to reduce crime rate at present and in the future. For instance, if the criminal is put in prison, he or she will not be able to commit crimes for the time spent in captivity. Deterrence, incapacitation and rehabilitation are the most popular utilitarian rationales for penalties imposed upon criminals. Deterrence means that punishment is imposed upon the criminal in order to discourage this person and others seeing this example from perpetrating crimes in the future. Incapacitation means depriving criminal of the ability to commit offences as through capital punishment or incarceration. Rehabilitation aims at reforming the criminal, empowering the person to return to normal social life. 2. Support three-strike laws through a retributive rationale and then through a utilitarian rationale. The retributive rationale, in my view, does not work very well for three-strike laws that allow life sentences for repeat offenders. If the person committing a repeat crime has already done time for this crime, there is no reason to impose an enhanced punishment for the new offence. Three-strike legislation was caused by â€Å"the problem of a significant percentage of crimes committed by people who previously have committed crimes† (Harary 2003). The laws aim to incapacitate these criminals by taking them off the street and to deter other repeat offences   through the threat of the life sentence. Rehabilitation is not the reason since criminals are not supposed to get back to society. References Harary, C.J.   (2003, April 4). Incarceration as a Modality of Punishment. Jewish Law. Retrieved on October 7, 2005 from http://www.jlaw.com/Articles/ch_incarceration.html. Hoff, S.B. (n.d.). Review of: Pojman, L. & Reiman, S. (1998). The Death Penalty: For And Against. Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1998. Law and Politics Book Review, 9(9), 384-386.

Lennie & George in “Of Mice & Men” Essay

In the story â€Å"Of Mice & Men†, John Steinbeck creates a pair of low-class companionship as the story’s main character. This pair of companionship, George and Lennie is very different from each other, nothing alike, no matter talking about their figures, personality, IQ, etc, except that they both carry the same American dream as they spend their hard days traveling together and working in the ranch. Lennie is portrayed as being childlike. He looks up on George as a parental figure: â€Å"Lennie’s lips quivered and tears started in his eyes.† Lennie seek reassurance from George like a child does from their parents. He displays the excitement of a child: â€Å"Tell me about the rabbits, George. Tell me about the rabbits.† Steinbeck suggests that Lennie’s dependent on George and that we all need companionship even if the relationship is unequal. Not only is Lennie portrayed as being childlike, but also very forgetful: â€Å"I forgot, tried not to forget. Honest to god I did George†. Lennie always gets in trouble, and always needs George to help him out.: â€Å"Course you did. Well, look Lennie— if you jus’ happen to get in trouble like u always done before, I want you to come right here and hide in the bush†. Not only does he make himself in trouble but also gives trouble to George: â€Å"An’ whatta I got, I got you! You can’t keep a job and you lose me ever’ job I get. Steinbeck wants to give the readers a hint or preparation that a serious event is going to occur with Lennie, he also wants to convey that although Lennie is big, it doesn’t mean that he has a big brain nor can he be independent and look after himself. Lennie is also being put in a character with characteristic’s like an animal: â€Å"His huge companion dropped his blankets and flung himself down and drank from the green pool; drank with long gulps, snorting into the water like a horse.† Lennie enjoys keeping mice, but as a result always kills it:† They were so little, I’d pet them, and pretty soon they bit my fingers and I pinch they heads a little and they was dead— because they were so little.† Steinbeck wants to show that a big man also has a sensitive side, and that being strong also has disadvantages, especially for Lennie who enjoys to pet mice and as a result kills it very quickly due to his big, strong hands. Lennie’s physique is described by Steinbeck as being big, strong looking, but is also described to have body parts in which imitating an animal: â€Å"A huge man, shapeless of face, with large, pale eyes, with wide, sloping shoulders; and he walked heavily, dragging his feet a little, the way a bear drags his paws.† Although Lennie is very immature, but he is a very helpful and great worker : â€Å"Say, you sure was right about him. Maybe he ain’t bright, but I never seen such a worker.He damn near killed his partner buckin’barley. There ain’t nobody can keep up with him. God, awmighty I never seen such a strong guy.† Steinbck points out that even an immature, childish man like Lennie with low IQ, can also work better than a normal man, and that we should always give a chance to people like Lennie to work like a normal person with no prejudice against them. Lennie is a very simple minded man, and does whatever George tells him to do. He never thinks for himself and won’t bother to rate if it was dangerous or not, he simply just does as he says, like master and servant: â€Å"Tell you what made me stop that One day a bunch of guys were standin’ around Sacramento River.I was feelin’pretty smart. I turned to Lennie and says â€Å"Jump in† and he jumps, couldn’t swim a stroke. He damned near drowned before we could get him.† Not only does Lennie always listen to Georges demands, but he also never rejects him and never dares to argue with him. â€Å"He never got mad with it neither. I’ve beat the hell outa him, and he could bust every bone in me just with his one han’, but he never lifted a finger against me†. Steinbeck expresses to readers that Lennie looks up at George at a higher status, like an idol and believes that whatever George tells him to do, is  for his own good, which is why he listens to George not minding if it is dangerous or not. Where as the other main character in the story â€Å"Of Mice & Men†, known as George, is totally different from Lennie. George is suggested to protect Lennie too much, and that he doesn’t let Lennie talk when he is suppose to. When he sells Lennie too much, people might mistaken that George is hiding something about Lennie.: â€Å"Then why don’t you let him answer? What you trying to put over?†. George also uses a special technique to make Lennie listen to him, from this technique he gives pressure to Lennie so that he will always keep George’s words in mind.: â€Å"But you ain’t gonna get in no trouble, because if you do, I won’t let you tend the rabbits.† Steinbeck points out that George is protecting Lennie too much, and that he should always let him try and let him communicate more, socialize more and approach the outside world more, or else he would depend on George too much and takes it as an advantage. George is also suggested to be smart, and has a lot of common sense. He uses his sensitive sensitivity to teach and lead Lennie to the right track: â€Å"Tastes all right, don’t really seem to be running though. You never oughta drink water when it ain’t running, Lennie.† Not only is George sensitive but he is also very smart in the ability to judge correctly: â€Å"You never had none, you crazy bastard. I got both of ’em here. Think I let you carry your own work card?† Steinbeck shows the readers that it is an advantage for Lennie to be looked after by George, for George has the power to untie him from troubles he makes, and knows what’s best for him. Steinbeck also tells the readers, that the people with the same problems as Lennie should always be helped and be guided to the right way, instead of being discriminated. George also gets very fed up with Lennie sometimes, having to escape with Lennie from the troubles Lennie has caused from time to time.: â€Å"God a’mighty, if I was to live alone I could live so easy. I could get a job and  work, and no trouble. No mess at all, and when the end of the month come I could take my fifty bucks and go into town and get whatever I want.† But on the other hand, he also cares a lot about Lennie’s feelings, and always persuades him to think towards the positive side when Lennie is depressed.: â€Å"Aw, Lennie! I ain’t taking it away jus’ for meanness. That mouse ain’t fresh, Lennie; and besides, you’ve broke it pettin’ it. You get another mouse that’s fresh and I’ll let you keep it a while.† Steinbeck suggests that in order to be companionships, we will have to care for one and another’s feelings, Steinbeck also coveys that there aren’t any perfect pair of companionship, for there has to be arguments between people, since humans are born with these characteristics. George having to be a trustworthy companionship with Lennie, always believes in his partner no matter what happens. He will always trust Lennie for whatever he does, and the decisions he makes.: â€Å"Lennie never done it in meanness. All the time he done bad things, but never done one of them mean.† George makes the relationship between Lennie and him like a family, George tells Lennie about their dreams, and how they are different to other people, as if it’s going to come true. George gives hope to Lennie making him feel better and have a target so that he won’t feel that he is working for nothing and that they are working to make their dream come true.: † But not us! An’ why? Because †¦because I got you to look after me, and you got me to look after you, and that’s why†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ . Steinbeck tells the readers that although these low-class workers are poor and lonely, they haven’t got a stable home. But George and Lennie are different. For they carry a hope, a dream. This is why George and Lennie are never lonely. Steinbeck also suggests that an American dream in those days, does not come true easily. Overall I think that John Steinbeck wants us to know that we should use Lennie and George as an example to how we should treat people with the same problems as Lennie is facing. Instead of discriminating them, we should always give them a hand of trust to help them. John Steinbeck also suggests  that although Lennie may have mental problems, but from this information, it doesn’t mean that Lennie is useless. He may be stupid, but he is very hard working and may be better than most normal workers working in the ranch. John Steinbeck also wants us to know that although people like Lennie often creates serious problems due to his stupidity, this doesn’t suggest that he can use his low IQ, and stupidity as an excuse to not face the problem and just find another job, not caring what he had done before.

Saturday, September 28, 2019

Narrative style of the novel Essay

Comment on how the language contributes to the understanding of the character, plots, theme and narrative style of the novel Chapter 6 is presented to the audience entirely in the past with no hindsight. Once again it develops the plot showing the children developing closer to adulthood, yet still not quite there, not understanding the consequences of their actions : â€Å"was it you two? â€Å", â€Å"I look away†. The language from the passage in the hard back page 111 to 113 contributes to the understanding of the characters, plots, themes and narrative style of the novel. The section about the hierarchy in trees only further reinforces the naivety and stupidity to the character Stephen. Stephen has an obvious sense of hierarchy and in this case the â€Å"sour smell of the elders† and â€Å"its humiliating position at the very bottom of the hierarchy of trees†. This continues into the â€Å"familiar world† â€Å"out here at the end of the Lanes†, ie: the hierarchy of humans where the levels convey Stephen’s actual opinion of the concept of hierarchy and social status. This shows how immature Stephen is and however evident is his naivety. See more: what is a narrative essay In hindsight Frayn exposes the audience to the intentional irony of the â€Å"sliver framed heroes† at the highest to the lowest – â€Å"an old derelict taking refuge† who are the same person. Frayn has emphasised this hierarchy from the beginning. Stephen feels in triumph that for once he perceives himself higher than someone else in the â€Å"human precedence† and the language emphatically robusts this. This only reinforces that younger is obsessed with hierarchy – only after the discussion of hierarchy is there a sense of realisation. The language in this passage contributes the understanding in the theme of mystery and adventure. Stephen relies on this adventure to prove himself to Keith and in doing so show â€Å"Keith that he’s not the only one who can think of plans and projects†. The use of personal pronoun ‘I’ used more frequently than other times (7) conveys Stephen’s awareness that at this point in the adventure, wherein he can contribute, is a way he can gain approval of others even at the exploitation of the tramp. The passage for the first time shows an all time low in the adventure and â€Å"rain blows† as deliberate violence. This marks a key turning point in the plot as they have to fine some reason for their expedition as they have lost Mrs Hayward. The language used to describe the â€Å"old mans† feelings are just some of the feelings evoked that explain exactly what the boys have been doing bullying, and in doing so, the language also introduces the theme of memory. Frayn draws attention to this key theme by making older Stephen interrupt his story to remind the audience that the Stephen who was once a victim of bullying is now the perpetrator. This narrative style is a device that suggests implausibly that older Stephen is telling the story and also draws attention to memory as a concept and theme. Not only that, but it helps the reader understand that the reason â€Å"I (Stephen) throw down my iron bar†, is to reflect what Stephen knew at that point in time is that what he was doing was bullying. In this passage Frayns presents the language as a way of children going on to do adult things but without adult hindsight and therefore reminds the audience that they are still developing unable to foresee the consequences of their actions. The language is deceptively simple in style, but the passage in Chapter 6 shows a subtlety in language. From the beginning of the passage Stephen shows this middle class social ranking which leads him into his so called heroism that is particularly associated with middle class values. This duty he is estranged with towards Keith was particularly powerful conception in times of war and for Stephen it shows a development in his character and what he is prepared to do out of duty for Keith. Thus, Frayn cleverly uses linguistic devices and in this case exploits the language in order to contribute to the understanding of the characters, plot, themes and narrative style of the novel.

Friday, September 27, 2019

Corporate Governance in China Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Corporate Governance in China - Essay Example In china, corporate governance has received much attention in the recent years and there have been debates on how china can develop an effective corporate governance system that can improve the number of listed companies in the country. The issue of corporate governance finds its roots and effect in the stock market which is responsible for listing companies. Before a company is listed in the stock market, it usually undergoes a rigorous process of scrutiny on issue of corporate governance. (Berle and Mean 2003, p. 286) This paper will look closely at the corporate governance in china and relate the practices to one of the company, Sainsbury PLC to see how it can adopt such measure and to look at the extent in which it has been able to integrate such measures in its operation. It will first start by looking at the corporate governance in china and later look at Sainsbury PLC and how the aspect of corporate governance can be implemented in the company. Let us first look at the corporate governance landscape in china. The mandate to improve corporate governance in china has been one of the aims of the government for along time. It started with the making of the stock market which came into being after the opening of the economy about one and a half decade ago. The need to improve the corporate governance landscape has been one of the mandates that the government has taken in developing a financial market that serves the country and the business community alike. In recent past, china has made great strides towards the issue of corporate governance which has been through the relationship of the government and the players in the private sector. Government agencies that have been handling this issue have given various laws, rules, regulation and standard that are aimed at putting in place a firm foundation and a framework for corporate governance in the country. (Kim and Giles 2003, P. 51) In order to understand practice of corporate governance in china, we have to accept that china has been undergoing through a transition process which has seen the development of market-oriented economy from a planned economy although this pace of transition has varied with various sectors. But the biggest challenge that the country has been facing has been on the ground that it has taken to development of the concept when most of the important functioning financial market structures like a well defined legal system, regulatory agencies and others have not been put in place or have not been functioning to the required standards. (Clarke 2003, p. 53) Reports coming from survey on Corporate governance (CG ) in the country shows that there have been marked willingness by many companies in china and many businessmen to develop accepted standard of CG not only for the domestic market but also they have been casting their sights higher than the domestic market. They have shown willingness to improve CG practices like shareholder rights, environmental control, improved level of transparency, empowering of boards, and other practices which are aimed at improving the business landscape of the country. There has been a general recognition that improved CG makes an organization more attractive to the investors and more profitable. Let us look at some of CG practices in china and the recent efforts by

Thursday, September 26, 2019

Final Project Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Final Project - Essay Example Note that an appropriate number of significant figures should be used in the notebook (Thompson, 2008). Rules for Writing, Updating And Accessing Laboratory Protocols Lab protocols not covered in the wide laboratory protocol should be written in consultation with the faculty dean and the Laboratory Safety Committee. All protocols should be based on a reference and actual experiment procedure; recording all reagents, procedures, results and by-products. The updating of protocols should follow the ‘Good Laboratory Practice’ on how long to retain specimens and records depending on the specimen. All experiments should be clearly described and a separate copy made in A4 size plain paper addressed to the faculty dean through the lab assistant on the protocol intended for update; with a clear reference at the top for example; ‘Proposed protocol update to Protocol xxx; Filter and liquid assays 6/5/04’ with the date clearly stated. ... Laboratory safety Wear laboratory goggles or face shield, a white lab coat and gloves at all times. Do not wear open shoes when dealing with liquid or corrosive reagents/ solvents. Know the location of the safety shower or eye washers and how to use them. Code of Federal Regulations (CFR) on title 10; Regulations number 19, 20, 30, 31, 33, 39, 40 and 71 which govern rules and regulations on the handling, transporting, storage and limiting ionization by radioactive materials. Use appropriate dosimeters to measure personal radiation before and after an experiment; if after an experiment your personal radiation is above normal; report immediately to the lab safety office (Refer to radioactivity standards index). Confine radioactive material, bromides, potentially infectious agents, live cultures and hazardous waste in tightly sealed containers and closed systems. When dealing with animals refer to appendix on available immunization to prevent against zootoxic pathogens (Bio-safety in th e Lab, 1989) Wear one glove when working with Ethidium bromide; the gloved hand should touch Ethidium bromide exposed material and the other hand should never be in contact with Ethidium bromide. Never eat, drink or chew gum when working with hazardous material Avoid pipetting anything by aid of the mouth or by bare hands. Know the recombinant DNA experiments that are not exempted and obtain prior approval from the Biological Safety Committee before commencing experiment (See non-exempt recombinant DNA experiments index). Inventory maintenance Refer to the lab equipment parts catalogue and maintenance periods from the equipment manager. They contain the equipment name and number; parts catalog numbers, maintenance practices and user manual.

College Life Student Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

College Life Student - Essay Example The theory of oscillatory selection could be one of the first phases of evolution that we may go through . This theory explains the oscillation of a specie between two different environments with the aim to be in the best suited environment at a given point in time . If we consider our groups of friends we hang out in college with, we would realise that they are generally divided into two if not three . One group would represent the studious kind and the other the fun loving kind . There is always a marked difference between the characteristics of both the groups such that they can never merge and we as an individual would opt to be a part of only one group at any given point in time. When an individual wants to be recognised as the "hottest guy" in college or "Mr cool", which is generally the case in the initial years in college we want to be seen as a part of the "fun loving". But when we have assignments to submit and deadlines of work to be met with we shift over to the studious kind for help The theory of convergent evolution explains the acquisition of some traits by a specie,

Wednesday, September 25, 2019

Education and career goals for a scholarship Essay - 1

Education and career goals for a scholarship - Essay Example Hence, serve the global community better as an accountant in an area that I have passion in beside acting as a role model to young women. Many people in the community perceive accounting as a demanding career and by taking this challenge, I will encourage many young people to venture into this field. Additionally, women for long have been relegated to low-paying jobs in the service industry. For instance, waitressing and retail positions though this seems to be changing for the better and I would like to be a part of that shift. Therefore, it would be empowering to be among those intending to break the glass ceiling and assume strategic positions in the corporate sector. However, to be in a position to achieve these goals, I require a lot of support particularly financial. This is because my husband and I own a small business in Loveland whose net income is not even sufficient for us. We neither pay ourselves a salary nor do I have any other funding available from Stafford loans for my education. Hence, implying realizing my goals will be quite a challenge due to economic constraints, which we are experiencing. This is despite having searched relentlessly for organizations that would help me in achieving my academic goals. Therefore, based on my financial condition I believe that I deserve this scholarship opportunity. Since, I am hardworking, tenacious and always striving to succeed in every endeavor I undertake. Besides, I want to be a role model for other young women in my community. Therefore, awarding me this scholarship opportunity in your foundation will help me accomplish my educational and career goals. I look forward to your positive

Tuesday, September 24, 2019

Criminal justice, procedure and human rights Coursework

Criminal justice, procedure and human rights - Coursework Example Of course, these are the extreme limits and the judge imposes sentence based upon the facts of the case. Although by statute there is no distinction drawn between voluntary and involuntary manslaughter, that is to say there is only one crime manslaughter, in general the distinction between the two are commonly acknowledged. There are two major categories that fall within the scope of involuntary manslaughter. These are: Constructive manslaughter assigns guilt to the defendant even though they may not have intended the injury or death of the victim and a reasonable person may not have conceived that the death would result, but the responsibility for the death, none the less, is found in the commission of an illegal "quite unconnected and possibly minor unlawful act" (LAWCOM 237, 1996: p. 13) which resulted in the death. ... Constructive Manslaughter Constructive manslaughter assigns guilt to the defendant even though they may not have intended the injury or death of the victim and a reasonable person may not have conceived that the death would result, but the responsibility for the death, none the less, is found in the commission of an illegal "quite unconnected and possibly minor unlawful act" (LAWCOM 237, 1996: p. 13) which resulted in the death. As found in Creamer1: A man is guilty of involuntary manslaughter when he intends an unlawful act and one likely to do harm to the person and death results which was neither foreseen nor intended. It is the accident of death resulting which makes him guilty of manslaughter as opposed to some lesser offence. In R v Mitchell2, at appeal the court found that several criteria must be met in order to establish that manslaughter due to an unlawful act had been committed. Upon decision the court found that to be convicted the following four conditions need to be met: The defendant committed an illegal act The act was dangerous in that a reasonable and sober person would recognise the inherent danger of act committed The death of the victim resulted from the act The defendant intended to commit the act even though they may not have foreseen the consequence of the death of the defendant In order to understand the criteria of each point required to show cause for a guilty verdict of involuntary manslaughter, it is necessary to review the case law for each of the above points. R v Franklin3 established the precedent that the defendant must have committed an unlawful act in order to be convicted of manslaughter. This was upheld in R. v. Lamb4. In R v Dalby5 the court attempted to establish that the defendant's

Monday, September 23, 2019

EMA COURSE WORK Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

EMA COURSE WORK - Essay Example Other factors such as transporting the materials, utilities, etc could also be used however as stated before it is only an example. Variance Analysis is the difference between what is actually paid and the standard cost. The variance is used as a means for management to discuss performance and to review them. One of the major criticisms of standards is that some forms of standards are outdated and not as widely used as others. Another criticism is that the standards are not attainable. This means that the standards are not within reason. Considering that most standards are outdated and incorporate many different components, it is easy to see how mistakes can be made. If the company uses the wrong information on any of the components than it is guaranteed that a variance will be revealed upon further analysis. The standards are also not changed over a period of time and therefore are prone to be incorrect due to changes in technology or even by inflation. Standards are said to give em ployees the motivation to meet goals and to push his/her self to meet or exceed the goals of the company. This motivation is also said to benefit the company as a whole because it increases efficiency and productivity. The best way for standard costing to be effective is to have someone from every level to participate. There has traditionally been a problem trying to get enough people to participate so that the results are reasonable. Participants will look for the easy target and this can pose a problem. The easy target is not necessarily the optimum target or the most cost efficient. Participation in the costing or analysis would require a lot of time and knowledge that the participants do not have. Also the more time they spend on it the more it will cost the company in the form of salaries and benefits. There is also the risk of the participants being out for their own individual gain. They could feel as if their participation could help them further their own agenda instead of that of the company. They could also spend too much time talking and not enough time coming up with solutions. Lack of knowledge can also factor into this because if the participants do not understand the goal they are trying to reach, then time can be spent teaching them instead of getting down to business. Management of Time is also another criticism of standard costing and variance analysis. The process is time consuming to say the least and most managers already feel as if they don’t have enough time to carry out their day to day activities let alone deal with standard costing or variance analysis. Managers in particular might feel as if this is something that someone else should be doing, namely someone in the corporate office if there is one. Absorption costing fuels another criticism of standard costing and variance analysis. Absorption costing assumes that all costs of the production of a product are included in the final price of the product (AccountingCoach, LLC). T his type of costing can create some problems because it could lead to extremely high standard costing which in turn would always lead to variances. If a product includes all of the fixed costs such as utilities of the entire building, rent of all buildings, etc than the standard cost could be extremely high and overstated. The costs are not allocated over all of the products that are produced in the same area but instead the costs are absorbed into the

Sunday, September 22, 2019

Dance Helicap Essay Example for Free

Dance Helicap Essay In 1967, Frank Dance proposed the communication model called Dance’s Helix Model for a better communication process. The name helical comes from â€Å"Helix† which means an object having a three-dimensional shape like that of a wire wound uniformly around a cylinder or cone. He shows communication as a dynamic and non-linear process. Theory Dance’s model emphasized the difficulties of communication. Frank Dance uses the form of a Helix to describe communication process. He developed this theory based on a simple helix which gets bigger and bigger as it moves or grows. The main characteristic of helical model of communication is that it is evolutionary. Frank Dance explains the communication process based on this Helix structure and compares it with communication. In the Helix structure, the bottom or starting is very small then it’s gradually moves upward in a back and forth circular motion which form the bigger circle in the top and it’s still moves further. The whole process takes some time to reach. As like helix, the communication process starts very slowly and defined small circle. Communicators share information only with small portion of themselves to their relationships. Its gradually develops into next level but which will take some time to reach and expanding its boundaries to the next level. Later the communicators commit more and share more portions themselves. Example When a child is born the only means of communication is crying, he/she cries for everything like hunger, pain, cold etc.. As the child grows the means of communication become wider and broader. He learns to makes noises then he learns language to obtain attention and to fulfil his needs. As a Helix the process of communication in this case started from crying and later it developed into a complex and compound means. The Helical model of communication is largely dependent on its past. A child learns to pronounce a word in his elementary classes and throughout his life he uses that word in the same way he learnt. Just like that we used to react to certain things in a certain way in our childhood and such reactions and habits lasts with us forever. The communication evolves in the beginning in some simple forms then the same process of communication develops based on the past activities. It develops further with modifications. Conclusion Frank Dance included the concept of time in his theory. Something happens over the other will always be based on the first event according to him. This theory of communication was a subject to a number of experimental researches. Even though this model of communication clarifies everything there is a problem of over simplification. According to this theory a communication process is the product of what we learnt. Let us understand the model with the help of an example. A child from the very moment he comes to this world starts communicating. When a baby is born, the nurse rubs his back to make the child cry. If the child doesn’t cry, it is an indication of a still born child. What does crying in this case refer to? It is actually a way the child is communicating to his parents that he is alive, absolutely hale and hearty and ready to face the challenges of the world. As the child grows up, he cries whenever he is hungry or expects something from his parents and sometimes simply for his parent’s attention. It is again a child’s own way of conveying his message to the whole world. When the same child grows up and starts going to school, he soon interacts with his parents, teachers, friends in the form of words. Now crying actually gets replaced by words or his speech but one thing which is common is the process of communication which existed since the child’s birth. Thus the child actually started communicating from the very first day of his life and has been communicating all through till the present day. This explains one part of helical model of communication. According to the Helical model of communication, the process of communication evolves from the very birth of an individual and continues till the existing moment. All living entities start communicating from the very first day of their origin. When seeds are planted, they convey the message to the gardener that they need to be watered daily and should be treated well with fertilizers and manure. When a plant emerges from the seed it also starts communicating its need for water, sunlight, manure and fertilizers, thus supporting the Helical model of communication. The same also applies for animals, birds, fishes and all living creatures. Now let us throw some more light on a real life situation An individual in his elementary classes learns to pronounce a particular word or react to a particular situation. It has been observed that even though the child grows up, he continues to pronounce that particular word in the same way as he did during his growing up days or for that matter, if the same situation arises again he would under all circumstances react in the same way as he did in the past. The fear of the child when suddenly the light goes off at night resulting in a complete blackout is present in his younger days as well as when he grows up. The above example again makes the Helical model of communication clear. According to the Helical model as the process of communication moves forward it also comes back and is largely dependent on the past behaviour of the individual. The model believes that communication process is just like a helix which moves forward as well as comes backward and is dependent on the behaviour patterns of the past definitely with some modifications and changes. As the child grows up, he does make slight changes in his past body movements or past pronunciation or facial expressions. He makes certain changes, modifications in his communication and tries to get rid of the communication errors. An individual will definitely get less nervous in his teenage days as compared to his childhood days, thus a slight change in his behaviour.

Saturday, September 21, 2019

Race Relations In The UK

Race Relations In The UK The concepts of community cohesion and integration have been at the core of UK social policy over the last decade. This renewed race relations approach requires people from minority ethnic communities to mix with mainstream community which will lead to strong cohesive communities. In order to apply these concepts to critically investigate phenomena in contemporary society there is a requirement to look beyond the stated objectives and public political negotiations and explore the ways in which deeply entrenched processes of discrimination may be resistant to legal and political interventions (Solomos and Keith 1989). This exploration requires a critique of race relations approaches within a historical and wider economic and political context, to fully understand and assess the effectiveness of the renewed race relations approach since the beginning of this century. In this chapter, I will provide an outline of the key events which brought about change in race relations approach in the UK with the view of placing the contemporary social policy in political, social and economic context, these changes can be viewed in phases. The early phase of race relations had assumed a process of assimilation, where coloured/ black migrants would settle in, had not worked and this had led to a change. The second phase in race relations is commonly referred to as the multiculturalist is viewed to have failed due to its divisive nature with result of different ethnic communities becoming inward and not interacting with the wider community. The contemporary phase, community cohesion and integration are at the heart of the very public debate in the UK on how best to integrate immigrants in the post-immigration phase. It is believed this latest approach to race relations will build stronger and cohesive communities. While this is the political rhetoric a deeper exa mination would reveal there are social and political factors which are required to be equally considered to understand the effectiveness of the renewed approach to race relations. Certainly, a view of the discourse on the community cohesion agenda reveals there is much criticism of the concept which may limit its effectiveness. The agenda may not address the problem of unrest and disturbances within communities. Rather than bringing communities together, the policy may have the opposite effect of dividing communities. Assimilation To understand the race relations approach in this period, the political and economic situation requires to be considered. Following the post war II period Britain faced a shortage of labour, and initially the labour of ex POWs, Polish and Italian people was employed. The archival research of parliamentary papers on immigration in the 1940s/1950s by (Joshi and Carter 1984) have revealed the ethnocentrism and racist assumptions by some government officials that the jobs were suitable for white workers as it was alleged the similarities of white cultures would not cause problems of assimilating cultures that were different. However, (Sivanandan 1982) argues that the British government wanted cheap labour, with sensitivity to demand and unnecessary labour contracts. Thus it suited Britain to import the workers it needed from the British colonies and ex-colonies; it was the quickest way of getting the cheapest labour at minimum (infrastructural) costs. Thus coloured people from the West Indies were encouraged to travel to Britain largely to fill the jobs. However, from the first stages of the arrival of black workers to Britain they were perceived, both within and outside the government, as a problem (Sivanandan 1982); (Solomos 1988). Particularly with reference to the social and racial conflicts which were officially connected with their arrival. (Solomos 1988) maintains that the media publicity given to the arrival of 417 Jamaicans on the Empire Windrush in 1948 and the subsequent arrival of groups of West Indian workers helped to focus attention on the number of coloured immigrants and this obscured th e fact that the majority of immigrants came from Ireland, white Commonwealth countries and European countries. The consequence of this attitude was that from the early stages of black migration process there emerged a debate about the implications of the growth of black settlement for the host society, particularly in relation to immigration, housing, employment, cultural differences and the emergence of racial conflict (Solomos 1988 p31). No such concerns were raised about white immigrants. Having set the precedent that black migrants were alien and cultural differences would lead to racial conflict, future government policies were largely based on such assumptions (Solomos 1988). (Solomos and Back 1996) contend that from the 1950s onwards political processes and institutions have played a key role in the construction of racial and ethnic questions in British society. This can be viewed in the way successive governments in the UK have responded to racial discrimination with two measures with legislation to reduce discrimination and new legislation to reduce the immigration numbers of black people (Sivanandan 1982). The assumption being that if the gates were closed to black migration the race problem would be resolved. These types of social policy and attitude ensured that subordination and the exclusion of black migrants were set in place. For e.g. following the race riots in Nottingham and Notting Hill in 1958, the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962 was introduced to curb further black immigration. After this period there was a racialisation of immigration legislation (Miles and Phizacklea 1984); Solomos 1988). The belief that immigration was essentially an issue of race was consistent with the view that a) the growing number of black citizens was a potential source of conflict and b) it was necessary for the state to introduce measures to promote the integration of immigrants into the wider society (Solomos 1988) . The linking of immigration controls with integrative measures was a significant step, since it signalled a move towards the management of domestic race relations as well as legitimising the institutionalisation of firm controls at the point of entry. These two sides of state intervention were seen as inextricably linked, the reasoning behind the link was the idea the fewer immigrants (especially black ones) there were, the easier it would be to integrate them. Miles and Phizacklea argue, that a central ideological consequence of this was that the notions of race and immigration became interchangeable, and so, whenever, immigrants and immigration became the centre of debate, the reference was in fact to coloured people regardless of their place and not to all people entering Britain (1984 p22). The fear that the social exclusion of racial minorities in Britain could follow the violence and disorder of the civil rights movement in the US led to the government in changing the approach to race relations in the 1960s (Solomos 1988) Multiculturalist / Integration Plus The 1960s is broadly viewed as the second phase in race relations approach. The fear that the social exclusion of racial minorities in Britain could follow the violence and disorder of the civil rights movement in the US subsequently led to the introduction of the Race Relations Act of 1965 which aimed to prevent racial discrimination. However, it was a weak piece of legislation and only spoke of discrimination in specified places of public resort, such as hotels and restaurants, as being illegal. A new act was introduced in 1968 in which provisions were extended to cover housing and employment in the UK (Deakin et al. 1970). Under the terms of the act, the Race Relations Board was set up in 1966 which set up the Community Relations Commission to promote harmonious community relations (Deakin et al. 1970). A few years later in 1969, the UK government chose to ratify the United Nations Convention on Racial Discrimination, with a reservation in respect of the Commonwealth Immigration A cts so it could continue with the racialisation of immigration to the UK (Sivanandan 1982). These, and subsequent immigration controls have continued to have implications which range much wider than one aspect of law. Firstly, because internal immigration controls affect not only immigrants but all black people in the UK, they reinforce the division in society between black and white people, and secondly, this had and continues to have, serious implications for the civil liberties and rights of the population in general (Gordon 1985). This period saw a shift in race relations to integration plus. In this period there was growing recognition of the legitimacy of black and minority ethnic people to be different especially with regard to issues around language, religion and the wearing of school uniforms (Gilroy 1987); (Brah 1996). It was thought that identities and values represented by immigrants could be accommodated within a multicultural framework and the recognition and acknowledgement of different cultures could coexist with mutual respect. In 1966, the then home secretary, Roy Jenkins, announced: I do not regard [integration] as meaning the loss, by immigrants, of their own national characteristics and culture. I do not think that we need in this country a melting pot, which will turn everybody out in a common mould, as one of a series of carbon copies of someones misplaced vision of the stereotyped Englishmanà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ I define integration, therefore, not as a flattening process of assimilation but as equal opportunity, accompanied by cultural diversity, in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance. The multicultural policy appealed to white British population, as it fitted in with their universal liberal democratic principles, they were confident to welcome people from Commonwealth countries. It was also about cultural value, that British did not regard their culture to be superior to those of the immigrants, at least not at a personal level. It was anticipated the differences in cultures would mainly be restricted to the home, and would involve mainly differences in traditional dress and cuisine, festivals and religions (Solomos and Keith 1989) In the public sphere, a variety of policy initiatives and programmes were based on the premise of providing equal access to employment, education, housing and public facilities generally. However, from the start the policy of equality of opportunity and racial equality caused confusion for many reasons and led to the policy to have little effect. Firstly, as Solomos (1989) notes, the notions of equality of opportunity and racial inequality are embedded in value judgements; thus there is not an agreement what on what equality constitutes in relation to the public good. Furthermore, the definitions of and guidance on these concepts were not forthcoming from the government. As a result of this fundamental constraint, local authorities did not know how to implement equality of opportunity as an effective measure against discrimination and were using terms and concepts in a confused, arbitrary and contradictory manner (Sooben 1990). Ouseley (1984) questions, how far can equality of opportunity and racial equality are achieved without incorporating into the established channels of decision-making the political interests of the black and minority communities It is also significant to note that at the introduction of the race relations legislation successive governments did not seek to use the mainstream Government departments to tackle this issue. While the Home Office was directly responsible for the enforcement of strict immigration controls, the responsibility for enforcing the legislation was given to regulatory agencies and judicial system. From 1965 to 1975 successive governments left the issue of tackling racial discrimination to these bodies and there was little direction or support provided by central government itself (Solomos and Back 1996). By the early 1970s there was much criticism of the limits of legislation and critics were calling for a new and more effective strategy to tackle racial discrimination particular in such areas as housing and employment (Solomos and Back 1996). At the same time research on aspects of racial discrimination by a number of bodies showed that high levels of discrimination persisted and this was taken to imply that the efforts of successive governments from 1965 onwards had produced little or no change (Solomos and Back 1996). More critical studies took their cue from this evidence to argue that race relations legislation, particularly when linked to discriminatory immigration controls, could be no more than a gesture or symbolic political act which gave the impression that something was being done while in practice achieving very little (Solomos and Back 1996) The shortcoming of the existing legislation, and particularly the powers available to the Race Relations Board and the Community Relations Commission, were becoming increasingly evident by the early 1970s. A major government investigation was launched titled The Organisation of Race Relations Administration in 1975. The report helped to put a number of important points on the agenda (a) The need to go beyond the narrow definition of discrimination used in the 1965 and 1968 Acts, in order to include institutionalised or unintended forms of discrimination; (b) The need to strengthen the administrative structures and legal powers of the Race Relations Board in order to allow for a more effective implementation of antidiscrimination policies, including penalties for those found guilty of discrimination; (c) The need for a more interventionist stance from central government departments, particularly the Home Office (Solomos and Keith 1989) The Labour Government which came to power in 1974 therefore proposed reform to the legislation and in 1976 the new Race Relations Act was introduced. This new act was wider and significantly it incorporated direct and indirect discrimination. Direct discrimination was defined by the act where a person treats another person less favourably on racial grounds than he treats, or would treat, someone else, however, indirect discrimination was defined as consisting of treatment which may be described as equal in a formal sense as between different racial groups, but discriminatory in its effect on one particular racial group (Miles and Phizacklea 1984). The second recommendation, to strengthen the administrative powers of the race relation bodies led to the setting up of the Commission for Racial Equality. The Commission was seen as having three main duties: (a) to work toward the elimination of discrimination; (b) to promote equality of opportunity and good race relations; and (c) to keep under review the working of the Act and draw up proposals for amending it (Miles and Phizacklea 1984). However, within a decade of the 1976 Act the disjuncture between the objective and its actual impact was apparent. This was clearly stated in Lord Scarmans report on the urban unrest riots in Brixton in 1981 when Scarman stated that racialism and discrimination against black people often hidden, sometimes unconscious -remained a major source of social tension and conflict  [1]  . Almost all the academic research that has been done on the effectiveness of the 1976 Act, has pointed to three ways in which policies have proved to be ineffective in tackling racial inequality. First, the machinery set up to implement the Act has not functioned effectively. Second, the policies have not produced the intended results. Third, policies have failed to meet the expectations of the black communities (Solomos and Jenkins, 1987). At a local government level the policy initiatives actions to eradicate discrimination had developed ad-hoc and taken many forms. Multicultural types of events such as International Womens Day, fun days, face painting and food, or as (Alibhai-Brown 2000) states saris, samosas and steel bands. Whilst in the public sector offices there would be cultural awareness training events. These initiatives were based on the premise that if the white population were convinced of the legitimacy and values of other cultures then this would eliminate the ignorance, intolerance which had led to previous acts of discrimination and conflict. This approach was criticised by many as it meant the problems experienced by migrants would be attributed to their culture essentialising all experiences to their culture. The funding allowed minority groups to set up groups to meet the needs of the minority population. Whilst these may have me the short term needs of people excluded from mainstream services, the fundamental flaw with this method was it was often viewed the town councillors played the different ethnic communities against each other to compete for funding, there was resentment among populations as one community was viewed to be seen to be more privilege than another. (Sivanandan 1982) states this type of multicultural policy resulted in taking the fighting off the streets and into the town halls. Another criticism of multiculturalism is that the term was not defined and became over time a fuzzy concept (Markusen 2003). Multiculturalism came to have many different meanings and became a divisive tool creating separate groups within communities. Rather than integrated communities, different groups engaged in aspects of their cultural identity. (Benhabib 2002) refers to this as mosaic multiculturalism, that cultures are clearly delineated and identifiable entities that co-exist while maintaining firm boundaries (p8). The tragic murder of Stephen Lawrence, in 1993 and the subsequent complaints and Macpherson Inquiry published in 1999 (Macpherson 1999) about the way in which the Metropolitan police had mishandled the case, is viewed as major benchmark in race issues (Back et al. 2002). In this respect the Macpherson Inquiry was a significant marker in racism in that institutional racism was exposed and put on the political agenda by the then Home Secretary Jack Straw (Back et al 2002). Following the recommendations made in the Macpherson Report in 1999 the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 was introduced. The amendments extended further the application of the Race Relations Act 1976 to the police and other public authorities; exemption under that Act for acts done for the purpose of safeguarding national security; and for connected purposes; immigration and nationality cases; and judicial and legislative acts (RRAA 2000). The act also specified that local authorities adhere to general statutory duty: to eliminate unlawful racial discrimination; and to promote equality of opportunity and good relations between persons of different racial groups. And also specific duties, to undertake positive action to eliminate discrimination, race equality policies were compulsory within public sector organisations. Whilst racism continued throughout 1980 /90s there were signs of another distinctive form of discrimination arising towards Muslims and Islam. There were anti-Muslim feelings throughout mainland Europe including the UK. It is suggested the roots of Muslim marginality date to The Satanic Verses affair in the late 1980s  [2]  . Certainly, by the mid-1990s, anti-Muslim feelings were serious enough for the Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia to be established in 1996, and the following year the report titled Islamophobia: a challenge for us all (1997) by the Runnymede Trust. The report described the nature of anti-Muslim prejudice and reported the consequence of this prejudice greatly hindered Muslims to play a full part in mainstream society. It was rather insightful, when Solomos wrote in 1999, if anything the experience of the last two decades teaches us that the ways in which policy recommendations are translated into practice remains fundamentally uncertain, particularly as the nature of policy change depends on broader political agendas. (Solomos 1999: 3.2) Integrationist Since the beginning of this century, the race relations approach has moved to a new phase, to community cohesion and integration. Two significant events in 2001, the race riots in three towns in northern England and 911 in the US led to a renewed approach by the government in the UK. While investigations into the disturbances were conducted in the areas involved in the disturbances in Burnley, Oldham and Bradford (The Clarke Report  [3]  , The Ritchie Report  [4]  and The Ouseley Report  [5]  respectively) and the Independent Review Team (Cantle Report) which provided a national overview of the state of race and community relations, Community Cohesion Review Team Report (2001) (Home and Office 2001) that directed changes in government approach. A few days before the release of the Cantle Report, the then Home Secretary, David Blunkett expressed his concerns about the race riots in an interview in the Independent We recognise there are historic divisions between communities that have separated Asian from White and Afro-Caribbean from Asian and that it will take many years to overcome. We also recognise that racial prejudice is deep-seated and we need to face it head on. He stated that we have got to develop a sense of identity and a sense of belonging if we are to have social cohesive communities.  [6]  . Following the interview, the media focused on one recommendation out of the 67 which the report recommended (Robinson 2005). The result of this was the disturbances quickly became a concern about identity and belonging rather than the frustrations of people living in areas of social and economic deprivation, as detailed in each of the local reports. The concept of segregation was used in The Ouseley Report, and was placed at the heart of the Community Cohesion Review Team Report and the opening paragraph in the report exemplified this concern: Whilst the physical segregation of housing estates and inner city areas came as no surprise, the team was particularly struck by the depth of polarisation of our towns and cities à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Ãƒ ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Separate educational arrangements, community and a voluntary body, employment, places of worship, language, social and cultural networks, means that many communities operate on the basis of a series of parallel lives. (p9). The concern was the lack of interaction between the different ethnicities had led to the ignorance and fear about each other. It was viewed the minority ethnic community had not integrated into white mainstream exemplified by the residential segregation of the different ethnicities. The blame for the existence of parallel lives people was considered to be due to multiculturalist policies, these had caused and allowed ethnic communities to be inward looking and had allowed minority communities to self-segregate. The self-segregation debate was fuelled further by comments from unexpected quarters, from the then head of the Commission for Racial Equality who stated that Britain was sleep-walking into segregation, that this would lead Britain to have American style black ghettos  [7]  . This public declaration by the head of race relations body lent further support to self-segregation debate. At the time, policy makers and politicians and sensationalised headlines in the right wing media gave support to and legitimised the claim that it was not racial discrimination that was the problem, it was the culture of immigrants, that immigrants did not want to mix and their culture was too different to integrate with British culture. Levels of residential segregation also became an indicator of migrant integration and high levels of segregation were viewed as a divisive factor (Phillips 2007). Although the term integration is popularly used by politicians and policy makers alike, guidance on policy was not forthcoming and there was confusion as to what the term means (Catney, Finney and Twigg 2011). Most political discussion of integration seems to assume tacitly that it means conformity with a homogenous set of norms and values within a monocultural society. In 2002 a report had been commissioned by Home Office (Castles et al. 2002) had been critical of the use of the term integration. As a theoretical concept the meaning of the term integration ranges from assimilationist to pluralist perspectives, which the authors argued needs to be examined more closely in terms of their application to two-way processes of accommodation between minorities and the broader society. And also the term integration is so broad and vague that it can be over-used and invoked without any attempt to establish relevant indicators p118. The confusion over the term was also reflected in the initia tive and policies that local government were addressing as part of the community cohesion agenda. Four years after the term had been introduced, at the launch of the government report (Home and Office 2005) Improving Opportunity, Strengthening Society in January 2005, which had been attended by some 500 delegates and distinguished panel  [8]  , delegate members and many of the panellists questioned what is meant to integrate to achieve integration. Delegates questioned whether it meant going to the pub stop praying and shaving off the beard sharing some common values while not abandoning what differentiates one from others and how did we know when a person has integrated (Grillo 2007). These types of questions are a reflection of the questioning and great confusion over the meaning of the term integration across the UK. Segregation There has been a strong link made between the integration of minority ethnic groups and their residential segregation by policy makers, media and academics (Kalra and Kapoor 2008). The authors of the Cantle Report had stated We do not see integration and segregation as necessarily opposed. The complete separation of communities based on religion, education, housing, culture, employment etc., will, however mean that the lack of contact with and absence of knowledge about, each others communities will lead to the growth of fear and conflict. (Section 5.7.3). An explanation of the term segregation is provided the extent to which different groups are geographically, economically and socially separated, including the impact of housing policies and practice (CANTLE REPORT 2001, p61). Over the last decade the much sensationalised claim of sleepwalking into segregation has been challenged and has been refuted and the segregation debate has been put to rest. Human geographer (Peach 1996, Peach 1999, Peach 2009) extensive empirical work in ethnicities and residential patterns has shown the segregation levels to be very different from the American style ghettos and on the contrary to Phillips (2007) claims, Peach argues the levels of segregation of minority ethnic communities are decreasing (2009, p17). Another extensive work by (Simpson and Finney 2011) Sleepwalking into Segregation: Challenging Myths about Race and Migration. Simpson (2004) argues the evidence did not support the legend of self-segregation. Demographic evidence shows dispersal, supporting the survey evidence of a desire to live in mixed neighbourhoods by most in the South Asian populations. There has been much criticism of the narrowly focused self-segregation claims, which highlight the racialised lens of the debate. For instance, there has been little criticism of the white flight process which affected the residential patterns to be obscured in particular areas. Additionally, there is not so much attention, by the media or government, to the segregation of neighbourhoods by class, income and lifestyles or to the increasing trend of gated communities by social elites ((Atkinson and Flint 2004); (Manzi and Bowers 2005). Kalra Kapoor (2008) point out the pattern of settlement of immigrants requires to be understood in a historical context as immigrants settled in areas where there were historically manufacturing jobs. The concentration of 55 per cent of Muslim households in the worst two deciles of multiple deprivations in England and Wales (Peach 2006) needs to be seen in this context. Studies into the experiences of integration and segregation in the Netherlands and the UK found that current understandings of segregation and integration are too focused on cultural aspects, and overlook structural factors that obstruct immigrants integration (van and Liempt 2011). Whilst the claims of segregation were finally dismissed, alarm over American style segregation persisted from the period 2001 2007, and where integral to the debate on the community cohesion and integration agenda. Communitarianism and community cohesion In the concern to bring about racial harmony within communities, the New Labour government drew upon American policy makers and concepts. According to Robinson (2005) the language of community cohesion had been non-existent in urban theory or public policy prior to 2001. One of these was the concept of communitarianism which was the work of Etzioni 1995. The idea behind this concept is that communities can serve the dominant moral order by expressing particular moral commitments to which individual members assign their personal values and allegiance (p1417). Within this narrative, segregation is problematized, as it is perceived that communities that assert order are at odds with the dominant order. Thus, after the 2001 disturbances and questioning in the West of assertive Muslim allegiances post 9/11 the focus on community as an area of social control was given credence. According to Robinson, The Cantle Report saw the community to be the place where cohesion was to happen, for micro-communities to gel or mesh into an integrated whole (p1417). The Cantle Report in 2001 drew upon the work of (Kearns and Forrest 2000) in relation to cohesion in communities. Their framework for socially cohesive society consists of five key elements, four of these elements were adopted common vision and a sense of belonging for all communities; the diversity of peoples different backgrounds and circumstances are appreciated and positively valued; and strong and positive relationships to be developed between people from different backgrounds in the workplace, in schools and within neighbourhoods. The fifth element was adapted social solidarity and reductions in wealth was replaced with those from different backgrounds have similar life opportunities (p1013). Thus community cohesion is conceptualised as social cohesion at the neighbourhood level and community is regarded as the place where common social values enabling all communities to work together towards common goals can be asserted (Robinson 2005). The concept of social capital which was popularised b

Friday, September 20, 2019

Rainbow Parrotfish Scarus Guacamaia

Rainbow Parrotfish Scarus Guacamaia Abstract The rainbow parrotfish Scarus guacamaia is a prominent herbivore in the coastal waters of southeastern Florida whose life history is strongly linked to a dependence on both mangrove and coral reef habitats. Rainbow parrotfish also serve in maintaining the health of coral reefs by keeping algal populations in check. Using NOAA fisheries data from the Mangrove Visual Census and the Reef Visual Census, this study focused on observations of this species in Biscayne Bay and the Upper Florida Bay in order to quantify occupancy and to examine the different factors that affect the presence and absence, and the ontogenetic shifts present in this species between juvenile and adult stages. Logistic regression was used to predict abundance and occurrence using the environmental variables of temperature, dissolved oxygen, salinity, average depth, and distance from channel openings. Presence and absence were also measured against mangrove cover, bottom substrate type, and shoreline development. It was found that salinity, average depth, and distance from channel openings were significant in predicting the occurrence of this species, while temperature and dissolved oxygen were not. Conservation efforts for this species, listed as vulnerable under the IUCN, need to be given greater consideration as the health of this and other parrotfish may be useful in determining the management breadth and priorities on coral reef ecosystems across the Caribbean Sea. Key words: rainbow parrotfish, mangroves, logistic regression, conservation, land-use planning. Acknowledgements In completing this thesis research, I would foremost like to thank my advisor, David W. Kerstetter, Ph.D., and committee members John F. Walter III, Ph.D. and Richard E. Spieler, Ph.D., whose input and guidance has been critical in moving forward through this project. I would like to thank David L. Jones, Ph.D. for his assistance on equations and statistics. For their assistance in various aspects of ArcGIS, I would like to thank Brian K. Walker, Ph.D. and Kristian Taylor. Notably, I would like to thank James A. Bohnsack, Ph.D. and Joseph E. Serafy, Ph.D. and their work, without whom, this research could not have taken place. I would like to thank my lab mates, especially Bryan Armstrong, Shannon Bayse, Amy Heemsoth, Cheryl Cross, and Kerri Bolow for all their feedback, inquiries, assistance and advice throughout the entire research process. Finally, I would like to thank my family and all my friends for their tireless support and unfailing encouragement in the completion of my thesi s work. Introduction Life History of the Rainbow Parrotfish Rainbow parrotfish Scarus guacamaia is the largest herbivorous fish in the Atlantic Ocean and Caribbean Sea and is found in both mangrove and coral reef habitats (Mumby 2006). The rainbow parrotfish is a large, heavy-bodied, and laterally compressed fish, compared with other species of reef fish. It has a fusiform body shape with dull orange fins possessing streaks of green extending into the dorsal and anal fins; median fin margins are blue in color with the dental plates appearing a blue-green. In this species there appears to be no obvious color differentiation based on sex (Cervigà ³n 1994). Rainbow parrotfish are behaviorally cautious in nature, and are generally observed in isolation, though they can be found in schools of up to thirty individuals (Dunlop and Pawlik 1998). It has a daily home range of about 1000 m3 (Smith 1997), and occupies varying depths from the surface to 25 m. It depends on corals for shelter and space to inhabit (Cole et al. 2008) and seeks shelter under ledges at night or when threatened. The species has been shown to use the angle of the sun as an aid in returning to these shelters (Smith 1997). Rainbow parrotfish are herbivorous fish that, like most members of the Scaridae family, feed mainly by scraping macro-algae from coral structure (Bellwood et al. 2004). However, it has also been observed to feed directly on coral (Rotjan and Lewis 2006) and gut content analyses have revealed spicules from feeding on sponges (Dunlop and Pawlik 1998). Rainbow parrotfish life history characteristics are reasonably well known. It is a protogynous hermaphrodite, meaning individuals in this species undergo a sex change between their initial phase, where they are generally female and terminal phase, where they are male. Terminal phase male rainbow parrotfish defend a territory and a harem of females, and when the male dies, the most dominant female will become the dominant male, with her ovaries becoming functional male testes (Streelman et al. 2002). Like other species in this family, peak spawning occurs primarily in warmer summer seasons from May to August, but can occur year-round, and there is an active period of recruitment into the population occurring around February in this region (Haus et al. 2000). Spawning is found to take place generally around dusk, and may correlate to either the lunar cycle or the high tide, as this is an optimal time for egg dispersal. The initial phase is composed of females while the terminal phase i s composed of sexually mature males. Rainbow parrotfish aggregate into territories that contain a group of females and the dominant male, which pair-spawns almost exclusively within this group (Munoz and Motta 2000). The rainbow parrotfish is a relatively large reef fish, compared to most species of reef fishes in the Caribbean, and can achieve a maximum length of 120 cm (TL). The estimated K value of 0.293 equates to a minimum population doubling time of approximately four and a half to fourteen years (Robins and Ray 1986; Randall 1962). Observations of rainbow parrotfish have been made in waters with temperatures ranging from 12-36  °C, salinities ranging from 23.74 to 39.1 †° (parts per thousand), and dissolved oxygen concentrations ranging from 2.4 to 14.07 †° (Serafy et al. 2003). The species wide range of tolerances to these factors is most likely an adaptation to the wide range of its known habitats. These habitats range from estuaries to offshore areas, both of which are subject to large pulses of freshwater and storm events. The varied thermal and oxic conditions cannot be exploited by less tolerant species and may be beneficial in providing refuge from predators, foraging gr ounds, or potential nursery areas (Rummer et al. 2009). The diet of rainbow parrotfish has been shown to be variable across life stages and habitats. In the Dunlop and Pawlik (1998) study, sponge spicules were found in higher masses in the individuals collected from the mangrove sites as compared to those from coral reefs, suggesting there are shifts in diet preference based on the food sources available. A secondary food source is coral, as rainbow parrotfish has been classified as a facultative corallivore based on direct observations, meaning coral can be either a majority of their diet or only a minor component. These fish impose more permanent and chronic pressures on scleractinian corals (those that generate a hard skeleton such as Montastrea and Porites species) meaning there is repeat scraping activity on these corals, and the damage caused is longer lasting. However, chronic predation may play a factor in regulating distribution, abundance, and fitness of certain prey corals (Cole et al. 2008). Though not fully known, this corall ivory may be part of an ontogenetic diet shift, meaning coral is only an important food source for part of their lives, accounting for less than five percent of their bites (Cole et al. 2008). Along with this diet selectivity comes the ability to cause significant damage to corals by biting off growing tips or large portions of skeletal material, which means they are capable of having a disproportionately large impact on the physical structure of Caribbean reefs (Cole et al. 2008). It has also been observed that grazing reduced the density of zooxanthellae and increased the severity of a bleaching event in Belize (Cole et al. 2008). Rainbow parrotfish use a feeding method of scraping or grinding algae from the coral or other rocky substrate, and sometimes inadvertently ingests coral animals as well. The hard coral substrate is broken down through its digestive system, and the excretion of this limestone material is one of the main sources in the creation of the sand surrounding cora l reefs in the Caribbean. Parrotfishes are known to become progressively more important to coral reef ecosystems upon reaching a certain key size around 15-20 cm, at which point they become functionally mature (Lokrantz et al. 2008) and their actions provide a significant impact on the coral reef. This impact increases exponentially as there is a non-linear relationship between body size and scraping function. Calculations have suggested that up to 75 individuals with a size of 15 cm are required to functionally compensate for the loss of a single 35 cm individual, and a 50% decrease in body size can result in a 90% loss of function provided to the ecosystem (Lokrantz et al. 2008). In addition, the level of grazing impact in mangrove systems is also a power function of body length. A conservative estimate places the home range of S. guacamaia at 1600 m3 (Mumby and Hastings 2008), which is larger than that of many other scarids. Rainbow parrotfish also represents approximately 14% of the total grazing intensit y measured for mangrove depauperate systems (Mumby and Hastings 2008). The majority of the rainbow parrotfish diet consists mostly of short epilithic turf algae, cropped algae, red coralline algae, and filamentous algae (Mumby and Hastings 2008), and they feed heavily upon Halimeda opuntia, a green calcareous alga. Juvenile scarid abundance has also been shown to be positively related to the percent cover of Dictyota spp. algae at site level in the Florida Keys (Kuffner et al. 2009). Similar parrotfish species have been observed consuming whole pieces of the thallus rather than grazing on the attached epiphytes, and taking more bites from H. opuntia and fewer bites from coral than would be expected from the percent cover of different microhabitats (Munoz and Motta 2000). While not quantitatively known for rainbow parrotfish, a mean home range for similar parrotfish species, redband parrotfish and redtail parrotfish, in the Florida Keys was observed to be 4371.5 +/- 5869.5 m2 (Munoz and Motta 2000); the standard error was found to be high due to a low nu mber (n = 7) of study sites. Due to overlap in microhabitat and foraging areas in these home ranges, interspecific aggression between parrotfish species takes place when one species attempts to use defended resources to the detriment of the defending species. This aggression involves vigorous chasing over comparatively large distances, as well as biting. Engaging in resource defense behavior was found to be advantageous as the benefits gained outweighed the cost (Munoz and Motta 2000). Aggression has also been observed to be greater when encountering other parrotfish species as opposed to non-parrotfish species and rainbow parrotfish were instigated into these aggressive encounters most often by redband parrotfish Sparisoma aurofrenatum (Munoz and Motta 2000). Scarus guacamaia is most closely related phylogenetically to midnight parrotfish Scarus coelestinus and striped parrotfish Scarus iseri, with Scarus clades having root nodes at between 2 and 3 million years ago, thus implying that most Scarus species are products of recent speciation. This speciation likely occurred around the time of the complete closure of the Isthmus of Panama at approximately 3.1-3.5 million years ago (Smith et al. 2008). The pantropical distribution and the relatively recent ages of the divergence of the four main clades of Scarus imply that fluctuations in sea level and patterns of differential cooling of the oceans during the Pliocene and Pleistocene may be the driving forces behind the rapid radiation in this genus, which is today largely restricted to the complex reefs built by hard corals (Smith et al. 2008). Alternatively, processes of ecological speciation and divergence due to sexual selection remain a possible explanation for the rapid radiation of parr otfishes, which all have pelagic larval phases and highly similar morphology (Smith et al. 2008). The protogynous mating system of parrotfishes, where species aggregate and have male-dominated haremic systems organized by color recognition, has also been proposed as a possible driving force for speciation via sexual selection mechanisms (Smith et al. 2008). The phylogeny of parrotfish suggests a gradual shift from browsers living in seagrasses to excavators inhabiting rock and/or coral reefs to scrapers found exclusively in association with coral, with Sparisoma being considered the transitional genus (Streelman et al. 2002). It can be assumed that the Scarus genus has always had a habitat association with coral reefs as the Scarus genus is the third radiation off of the Sparisoma lineage (Streelman et al. 2002). Of the parrotfishes, S. guacamaia is the only species that possesses an obligate and functional dependence on the mangrove habitats (Nagelkerken 2007; Mumby 2006). This dependency has been shown quantitatively in the Mumby et al. (2004) study in which the species suffered local extinctions that corresponded with the removal of mangrove stands, and the extent of mangrove coverage in a region is one of the dominant factors in structuring reef communities. Mangrove connectivity enhances the biomass of rainbow parrotfish on neighboring coral reefs, because grazing influences the cover of macroalgae on reefs and high levels of parrotfish grazing has been shown to lead to a twofold increase in recruitment of Porites and Agaricia corals in the Bahamas (Mumby and Hastings 2008). Biomass of rainbow parrotfish has been shown to more than double when coral reefs were located adjacent to rich mangrove resources, defined as mangrove stands with 70 km or greater of fringing red mangrove Rhizophora mangle located in a region of 200 km2, equating to coverage of 35% (Mumby 2006). Juveniles of this species, those less than 30 cm total length (TL), are observed almost exclusively in mangrove habitats, while all individuals observed on the coral reef were greater than 25 cm TL (Dorenbosch 2006). Average sizes of 10.1 cm and 14.6 cm TL have been recorded in mangroves and seagrass beds, respectively (Nagelkerken et al. 2000). The species of juvenile reef fishes that utilize mangroves and seagrass beds do so because of the high food availability, the presence of shade and shelter that the mangroves provide, and a reduced risk of predation due to the plant and root configurations. There is also a lessened chance of interaction with predator species as well as low predator abundance and efficiency (Verweij et al. 2006). Shallow water habitats such as mangroves and seagrasses, are believed to contain less piscivores than the reef (Verweij et al. 2006) possibly because the energetic cost s of chasing the smaller fish in these habitats outweigh the gains of catching one of the prey fish. The turbidity of the water can also negatively affect predator efficiency due to scattering and reduction of light by suspended particles (Verweij et al. 2006). There is significant interannual variability in species composition that may be expected in mangrove fish communities, but spatial factors have been found to contribute more to differences in fish community structure than seasonality (Robertson and Duke 1990). Verweij et al. (2006) tested the effects of plant structure, shade, and food upon rainbow parrotfish foraging behavior using artificial seagrass leaves and artificial mangrove roots. Rainbow parrotfish showed the same trends as those of pooled herbivores, showing highly significant Poisson regression results for the tested variables of structure, food, structure*food, and location of the experimental unit. In this study, 72 individuals were observed ranging in size from 7.5-15.0 cm. The behavior observed was broken down into 2.8% of individuals resting (spaced evenly throughout the water column), 91.7% foraging, and 5.6% swimming. Eighty-four percent of the rainbow parrotfish observed foraging in the study were found in the artificial mangrove roots, with six percent foraging on artificial seagrass leaves. It was determined that the presence of higher surface area on the root structure provided more substrate for algae, which allowed for diurnal feeding (feeding that occurs in the da ytime) on the fouling algae and epiphytes in mangroves and seagrass beds. Rainbow parrotfish observed in this study were also found to be preferential to experimental units with the highest structural complexity. Caribbean region mangroves and seagrass beds function as foraging habitats, but are not used continuously as shelter during the daytime (Verweij et al. 2006). The value of these habitats is diminished with decreased water clarity from turbidity originating from terrestrial run-off, leading to population declines in this and other species (Freeman et al. 2008). Seagrass minimum light requirements differ between species and systems. Halodule and Syringodium seagrass species often require more than 24-37% surface light intensity (Freeman et al. 2008). These seagrass species consistently require minimum light levels that are an order of magnitude higher than the requirements of terrestrial plants or other photosynthetic marine organisms. Reduced subsurface light intensity has c aused seagrass declines and the subsequent re-suspension of unstabilized sediments has impeded recovery of these seagrass systems, increasing the pressure placed on species such as the rainbow parrotfish that depend on them (Freeman et al. 2008). However, presence of preferential habitat is not the only contributing factor determining abundance. It is possible that habitat configuration has an influence on the connectivity between mangroves, seagrasses, and coral reefs and this configuration in terms of providing pathways and connections to the reef affects fish assemblage composition, fish density and size, and species richness (Dorenbosch et al. 2007). Local recruitment patterns can also play a major role. In a study off Curaà §ao, juvenile densities on the reef were comparable to those in seagrass beds, suggesting that this species can also use the coral reef as a nursery (Dorenbosch et al. 2004). Dorenbosch et al. (2007) concluded that for rainbow parrotfish, migration among these habitats most likely takes place along the coastline. The presence of seagrass-mangrove bays along the coasts of these islands strongly influences the distribution pattern of this species on the coral reef (Dorenbosch et al. 2004). The absence of seagrass beds and mangroves was shown to lead to reduced density of those species that utilize seagrass-mangrove bays in juvenile stages (Dorenbosch et al. 2004). For island sites, this migration was observed to occur on the sheltered or leeward shores, where most adult individuals were observed on coral reefs between 0 and 10 km from mangroves. However, no significant linear relationship was present between mean total density of adult rainbow parrotfish on these reefs and the distance to the nearest stands of mangroves (Dorenbosch et al. 2006). There was also reduced density or complete absence of juvenile rainbow parrotfish on the coral reefs that were farther than nine kilometers from the mangrove and seagrass habitats used by fish of juvenile ages. The density of these species is additionally regulated on local scales by variable habitat structural complexity and the available vegetation. Herbivory, measured by rates of grazing, was found to be highest at the maximum habitat complexity site (Unsworth et al. 2007). This suggests that the increased shelter and food abundance provided by denser seagrass beds may have increased fish abundance resulting in these higher levels of herbivory (Unsworth et al. 2007). Herbivory was found to increase away from patchy seagrass areas whilst increasing distance from a reef reduced the rate of herbivory due to a reduction in fish migration. Observed high levels of herbivory, however, may only be a short-term effect of irregular grazing by shoals of juvenile and sub-adult scarids (Unsworth et al. 2007). Rainbow parrotfish migrate across habitats in accordance with its life history stage, and will grow as large as possible before moving on to the next habitat (Mumby et al. 2004). Utilization of intermediate nursery habitats has been hypothesized to increase survivorship of small fish (Mumby et al. 2004). The intermediate nursery stages between mangroves, seagrass beds, and patch reefs serve the function of alleviating predatory bottlenecks in early demersal ontogeny (Mumby et al. 2004). A predatory bottleneck occurs when pressure from predation prevents a large percentage of a population from reproducing. The presence of seagrass beds has also been linked to significantly higher densities of rainbow parrotfish on coral reefs (Dorenbosch et al. 2006) while other studies (e.g., Gonzalez-Salas et al. 2008) have found differing results with respect to these nursery habitats. Noting high abundance of juveniles and adult members of S. guacamaia in coral reef habitats and a total absence in mangrove stands, it appears that mangroves in certain regions do not function as obligate habitats and that seagrass and coral rubble become the primary alternative for nursery, growth, and reproduction (Gonzalez-Salas et al. 2008). It is possible that with removal of mangrove forests the rainbow parrotfish are adapting to utilize other habitats that offer similar survival benefits. The reduced benefits of these marginal habitats may not provide rainbow parrotfish with the resources necessary to survive across their entire life history, allowing only temporary survival through one life stage or another (Rummer et al. 2009). This selective use, which is defined as use of a particular habitat patch disproportionately relative to its availability, can be exhibited either seasonally or spatially, and proximity rather than suitability has been found as the dominant pattern of habitat use (Faunce and Serafy 2008). Mangrove shorelines across broad spatial scales are not equivalent in thei r value as fish habitats due to the inherent patchiness within the ecosystem. A measure of total habitat area may therefore overestimate the amount of functional habitat utilized by these fishes. In addition, species richness and total number of fishes collected adjacent to mangrove shorelines has been shown to decline with increasing inland distance from creek mouths and oceanic inlets, with water depth greatly related to fish use (Faunce and Serafy 2008). Rainbow parrotfish are valuable members of the communities with which they are associated. The grazing activities of these parrotfish are beneficial in preventing algal overgrowth and enhance coral reef resilience to algal blooms and other competitor species (Hughes et al. 2007). The species also facilitates settlement and survival of corals by scraping and bioeroding the hard dead coral substratum and are crucial for the regeneration and maintenance of coral reefs (Lokrantz et al. 2008). Rainbow parrotfish and other scarid species participate in not only the uptake of carbon into the food chain in their direct consumption of seagrass, but also indirectly contribute to the detrital food chain with the removal of decaying seagrass material, which potentially results in the widespread dispersal of seagrass material into surface waters. Detached seagrass may also be cast onto the shore where it decays and may re-enter the system as detritus (Unsworth et al. 2007). Rainbow parrotfish may be equally important in influencing seagrass export from the system by the high rates of material discarded during consumption. The unattached plant matter, estimated to be as high as 11% of seagrass growth, becomes subsequently removed from the system by weather and currents (Unsworth et al. 2007). This figure is in addition to the amount consumed in grazing which causes the loss of at least 16% of the seagrass growth each day (Unsworth et al. 2007). In spite of their ecological role and importance, S. guacamaia populations are thought to be in decline and to have been fished to ecological extinction in Brazil, as well as other areas of the Caribbean (Floeter 2006). Rainbow parrotfish has been listed as vulnerable on the IUCN Red List. This designation means the species is facing a high risk of extinction in the wild based on one or more of the following five criteria: reduction of population size, shrinking geographic range, a population with fewer than 10,000 mature individuals, restricted population extent, or quantitative analysis showing the probability of extinction in the wild is at least 10% within 100 years (the full explanation of which are detailed in the 2004 IUCN criteria; version 2.3, Roberts 1996). Given this information and the ecosystem role of the species developing a model that details occurrence provides a means to assess the health and function of this parrotfish in this region. In addition, one may apply the methods not only throughout the range of this species, but it may be possible to apply this model to other parrotfish species and similar families across the Florida Reef Tract and the Caribbean Sea. Characteristics of the Biscayne Bay and Florida Reef Tract Region The Biscayne Bay region receives high numbers of larvae from offshore spawning adults and functions as a source point for juveniles and adults to migrate to the reef tract (Wang et al. 2003). The region also contains some of the most pristine habitat within the Florida Keys (Ishman 1997). The coastal shelf of the Florida Keys is characterized by shallow and highly variable topography, where currents are influenced by tides, wind, and the very energetic offshore Florida current system (Haus et al. 2000). The eddies and meanders of the Florida Current make it possible for upwelling and larval transport to occur across the shelf, and the scale of these perturbations can vary from slow moving mesoscale gyres to faster moving, sub-mesoscale eddies (Haus et al. 2000). Velocities of these eddies can range from 0.53 m/s to 0.80 m/s along the inshore edge of the Florida Current (Haus et al. 2000) and the variability of those velocities can have an impact on dispersal and the resulting end loc ations of larvae (Haus et al. 2000). Patch reefs in this region occupy a significant portion of the water column, which leads to variability in the water depth. These protrusions have the potential to change the strength and direction of the tidal flow in the bay. The northern Florida Keys contain over 4,000 patch reefs, composed generally of cemented reef (47.3 +/- 2.2% cover) and pavement (20.1 +/- 2.1%), with varying amounts of rubble, boulders and sand (Kuffner et al. 2009). The benthic community observed on these patch reefs is largely dominated by macrophytes, encrusting invertebrates, and suitable settlement substratum found beneath a substantial canopy of gorgonian (soft) corals (Kuffner et al. 2009). Macroalgae occupies a large portion of space on the reefs, especially Dictyota spp. (15.4 +/- 0.8% cover) and Halimeda tuna (11.7 +/- 0.6% cover). Live scleractinian corals account for only 5.8+/- 0.6% of the benthos (Kuffner et al. 2009). The tides are generally weak, with a semidiurnal height range of approximately 0.5 m (Haus et al. 2000). As measured in Caesar Creek, tidal velocity can exceed 25 cm/s, while current measurements within the inlets have shown peak tidal velocities in excess of 50 cm/s (Haus et al. 2000). These channels commonly referred to as the ABC Channels because of their names: Angelfish Creek, Broad Creek, and Caesar Creek form the main outlet from the southern end of Biscayne Bay onto the Florida reef tract. The ABC Channels convey large oscillating tidal flows and wind driven flows between the bay and the ocean, and transport through these corridors predominantly shows a semi-diurnal cycle with amplitudes of 500 m3/s, 300 m3/s, and 250 m3/s respectively (Wang et al. 2003). Based on observations, there is a net outflow at Angelfish and Caesar Creek, but an inconsistent inflow in Broad Creek (Wang et al. 2003). With the tidal flows and the input of freshwater, the residence times of the water varies widely from several months in the more enclosed Barnes Sound and circulation-restricted Card Sound (Ishman 1997), to about a month in the western parts of South Biscayne Bay, and nearly zero in the vicinity of the ocean inlets (Wang et al. 2003). The area encompassing Biscayne Bay south to Card Sound and Barnes Sound forms a barrier island lagoon system that exhibits estuarine characteristics near points of freshwater inflow during the wet and early dry season (Wang et al. 2003). This lagoon system leads to broad salinity regimes that are highly variable throughout the year, and vary greatly across relatively small areas of only several kilometers due to high freshwater input through canals (as opposed to groundwater), and limited tidal flushing. Salinity variations in Biscayne Bay primarily result from canal discharges through gated control structures, as well as smaller freshwater exchanges in the Bay driven by overland runoff, rainfall, and evaporation (Wang et al. 2003) and upwelling from groundwater (Ishman 1997). The greatest salinity fluctuations occur near canal mouths in Barnes Sound and along the western margin of Biscayne Bay. The smallest fluctuation ranges were observed near ocean inlets (Wang et al. 2003), where the vertical variations of salinity in the water column ranged from less than 0.2 †° to a maximum salinity change of 0.8 †° from top to bottom in the vicinity of the inlet mouth (Haus et al. 2000). In the Pelican Bank region of Biscayne Bay (see Figure 10), good circulation results in regular flushing and average salinities range from 33 to 35 †° (Ishman 1997). Water flow characteristics in this region are also determined by a network of drainage canals used for agricultural and industrial purposes. These canals also function to control flooding, which has greatly altered the distribution of freshwater within the watershed, as well as the quantity, quality, and timing of freshwater discharges to Biscayne Bay (Wang et al. 2003). This has led to greater pulses with larger peak discharges in the wet season and less freshwater reaching Biscayne Bay in the dry season due to reduced terrestrial storage and lowered groundwater levels (Wang et al. 2003). Increased runoff not only affects salinity conditions in coastal waters, but also can be a mechanism for increased nutrient loading (Rudnick et al. 2006). There exists a coastal ridge, bisecting the Bay, which acts as a groundwater divide, with water west of the ridge flowing toward Florida Bay. The outputs of freshwater from the canals have punctured massive holes through the ridge, changing the d irection and characteristics of the flow, and the qualities of the watershed (Wang et al. 2003). This region also is characterized by large coverage of submerged aquatic vegetation such as seagrasses, and wide availability of phytoplankton, microalgal and macroalgal species. Florida Bay is approximately 2000 km2 in total surface area, with 95% bottom coverage of seagrasses, characterized by sparse, patchy beds of Thalassia testudinum interspersed with locally abundant Halodule wrightii (Fourqurean and Robblee 1999). However, in the spring of 1991, Florida Bay exhibited a shift from a system characterized by clear water to one of extensive and persistent turbidity and phytoplankton blooms, which limits the ability of the seagrass to grow and function properly by reducing penetration of light in the water column (Fourqurean and Robblee 1999). This seagrass die-off was not accompanied or preceded by noticeable decreases in water clarity or increases in colonization by epiphytes, however. There were many hypothesized causes for this die-off which include hypoxia and sulfide toxicity , the loss of the estuarine nature of the system, overdevelopment of the seagrass beds, chronic hypersal